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The dangers of a Korean declaration of end of war

The dangers of a Korean declaration of end of war

Freedom Bridge near DMZ was used for the exchange of war prisoners after the Korean Armisticio Agreement in 1953. It no longer serves as a bridge for the crossing, but symbolizes hope and reconciliation between North Korea and South Korea. Lance vanlewen/Wikimedia Commons photo
Freedom Bridge near DMZ was used for the exchange of war prisoners after the Korean Armisticio Agreement in 1953. It no longer serves as a bridge for the crossing, but symbolizes hope and reconciliation between North Korea and South Korea. Lance vanlewen/ photoWikimedia Commons

March 18 (UPI) – American representative Brad Sherman, D-Calif., Together with 33 legislators, proposes a resolution that the United States adopts a End of Post of Correos. This is his third attempt.

I think the followers are acting in good faith and want peace in the Korean Peninsula as much as all Koreans and Americans. However, a declaration of end of war is not only wrong, but is also dangerous for the security of the Republic of Korea, commonly known as South Korea.

It is imperative that Understand the nature and objectives of the Kim family regime. Kim Jong Un He is driving Political war To subvert the South Korean political system and drive a wedge in the Republic of Korea, or Rok, alliance with the United States. Use threats and provocations as part of your Diplomacy of blackmail extort political and economic concessions.

In 2024, he declared South Korea as the main enemy and eliminated Pacific unification As a goal. However, its main strategic objective remains in force: to dominate all Korea under the government of the Guerrilla Dynsty and Gulag State so that the regime survives indefinitely.

If the Kim family regime remains in power, it will continue to be an existential threat to the people of South Korea and a threat to the United States, also given its missile and nuclear abilities. He The North Korean people army, or NKPA, is the largest room In the world, with hundreds of rocket and missile systems and thousands of artillery pieces throughout the demilitarized area, many of which focus on Seoul.

The NKPA is positioned for offensive operations, while the Rok/EE. UU. Command strength It was established for deterrence and defense. We must understand the correlation of forces and offensive and defense plans. The Rok-US Alliance has no plans to carry out an invasion of North Korea, but the Kim family regime plans to invade the south when favorable circumstances arise.

Simply declaring the end of the war does not guarantee the security of South Korea. It is the Kim regime that has a hostile policy towards the south. The alliance has a defense policy against an attack. The variety of forces on both sides of the DMZ illustrates these points.

War can only end when there is a great withdrawal from North Korean forces at a significant distance from the DMZ. Only then could there be a possibility of negotiation Peace treaty between the north and the south.

Supporters of the North Korea position will argue that the forces in the South must also withdraw. However, geography matters. He “proximity tyranny“It exists in Korea. Seoul is too close to the DMZ and requires forces between him and the DMZ.

Pyongyang is much further from DMZ, and Nkpa forces could retire to defend it about 60 miles from the DMZ. This would significantly reduce the immediate threat to the south.

Without this and other reductions of conventional weapons and confidence construction measures, a warfall statement will only cause South Korea to be more vulnerable to the attack. Without such actions, it would not only be premature, but also dangerous to declare unilaterally the end of the Korean War.

Instead of following a declaration of war end, Congress should return to the 1953 armistice agreement, specifically paragraph 60. It should take guidance from military commanders, who asked the political leaders to resolve the “matter of Korea”, which has been described as the anti -inatural division of the Korean Peninsula. The only solution is the establishment of a free and unified Korea and, therefore, Koreans must find a Pacific Way to Unification.

Fortunately, there is guidance and vision to achieve a free and unified Korea. Is in the rok 8.15 Unification doctrine which is strongly influenced by Hyunjin Preston Moon’s Korean dreaminspired by him 1919 First declaration of Korean independencewhich in turn was influenced by the Declaration of Independence of the United States.

In addition, government self -determination right is enshrined in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights in article 21.. All Koreans deserve this right, but the Koreans in the north have never allowed them to exercise it.

Congress should approve a resolution that supports the Korean people who seek self -determination and their own free and unified Korea. The American Congress, the people and the international community should support Koreans who seek to free themselves.

Note that In his first term, president Donald Trump “He supported the main role of the Rok in the promotion of an environment for the peaceful unification of the Korean Peninsula.” Congress must act in support of this statement and urge the president to continue helping the Korean people to pursue it.

The only way to see the end of military threats, both nuclear and conventional, and human rights abuses against the Korean people in the north, is to achieve a safe and stable and non -nuclear Korea.

This Korea must be unified in a liberal constitutional form of government that is based on individual freedom and freedom, the principles of the free market, the rule of law and human rights, as determined by the Korean people. It would be a new nation, a United Republic of Korea.

David Maxwell He is a retired colonel of the US Army, who has spent more than 30 years in the Asia Pacific region. It specializes in security matters of the Northeast of Asia and an irregular, unconventional and political war. He is vice president of the strategy of the center of Asia Pacific and main member of the Global Peace Foundation. After retiring, he became an associate director of the Security Studies program at Georgetown. It is on the Board of Directors of the Human Rights Committee in North Korea and OSS Society and is a collaborating editor of Small Wars Journal.

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